It is said that the economic collapse of Communism was caused by the fact that no one could tell the real cost of a product. Prices and costs were not determined by the demand & supply mechanism, but by the Communist Party, which dictated how much of a product should be produced, how much it should cost, and for what price it should be sold.
Many of the products manufactured during the Communist regime had very coarse packaging, as you can notice from the few examples below. Snagov (which was also the name of a popular picnic destination just a few kilometers away from Bucharest) and Litoral (literally, “Seaside”) cigarettes were in the higher quality segment, as they both had filters, unlike the lower quality “Carpati”. However, packages were not made of hard paper, which meant the cigarettes would often crumble in your pocket before you managed to smoke all of them. Litoral would cost 5 lei/package, which was just 1 leu more expensive than a loaf of bread. They were produced by the Cigarette Factory of Bucharest, a factory which was nationalized by the Communists to “save its workers from the capitalist exploitation”.
Another popular product was “Apretol”, a starch-based finish for laundry, targeted at house wives. The product claimed to make your clothes whiter, thicker, and more resistant. You could buy it for 5 lei, and the packaging is probably one of the coarsest I’ve seen for a Communist product.
Another product which has been rendered obsolete decades ago is Gallus, an artificial dye for clothes. It was said that the only things that this color would stick to were your fingers. Many people would also use it to color Easter eggs during Communism, despite the fact that it was slightly toxic (I don’t think there were any intoxication victims recorded so far, though). A package could be bought for 1.5 lei. The only thing we can say for certain is that the packaging is a lot more appealing than that of Apretol, despite its low quality.
Finally, we have a sample of Communist advertising: one of the first “malls” (Magazinul Universal “Unirea” Bucuresti) is depicted below on a drinking glass. The shopping mall was built under the Ceausescu regime (after demolishing a Victorian-style farmers’ market), and it is said to have been one of the few well-supplied shopping centers in Romania during Communism.
Here is how the real mall looked during Communist times:
And this is how the same shopping center looks today (slightly different, huh?)
The People’s Palace is the second largest administrative office building in the world, after the Pentagon, in terms of volume, and Bucharest’s most prominent landmark. You can see it from almost every corner of the city, and almost 1 million people visit it every year. However, few people know that an area the size of Venice (Italy) inhabited by more than 30,000 families had to be razed to the ground by bulldozers in order to build it (more about this in a future article). Even fewer people realize that slave labor had to be used to accomplish such a feat.
The actual construction of the palace began officially on June 25, 1984, when the cornerstone was laid. However, forced demolitions and works on the construction site began as early as 1981. Construction continued until the violent collapse of the Communist regime, in December 1989, but the building was never completed. Even today, in its current state, the building is considered to be only 60-80% complete, depending on whom you ask.
At the height of the construction activities, 20,000 workers and another 20,000 soldiers worked on the site, around the clock, 7 days a week, in 3 shifts. Among the workers, prisoners were also used. The soldiers working on the site were paid, but they were given very little choice, if any, before being brought in as workers. The total number of soldiers working on the construction site during the 7 years of activity is estimated to be 500,000. A typical shift would last for 8 hours, but that was only the actual physical labor. If you counted the time needed to get to the construction site, to prepare for work, to take part in the countless inspections of the party officials, and to get back home, you would easily end up with 12-hour shifts.
The soldiers and prisoners working on the construction site were often second-class citizens, being constantly harassed by “regular” workers. Because Nicolae Ceausescu, the Communist leader of that time, wanted the building to be completed in record time, he frequently visited the construction site, often demanding that construction activities should be accelerated. However, he would also request frequent changes to the plans of the building, which caused further delays. Sometimes, the changes were executed directly on the construction site, without further consultation with the team of over 500 architects.
The bureaucracy surrounding the construction activities and the frequent controls by Army officials, Communist Party representatives, Securitate agents or the president himself created a very oppressive working environment. The long and exhausting working hours took their toll on the workers’ family life, also: many would barely get to see their children and wives, and had to divorce after a few months on the construction site. Some committed suicide, often on the construction site.
The construction site is considered by many to be a forced labor camp. There were no toilets or running water, and food was served once per day in the Republicii Stadium, which was turned into a huge “cafeteria” (in reality, a place were very basic food was served: cabbage soup with bread or boiled potatoes or beans).
“Robi pe Uranus” (“Slaves on Uranus”) is a very good book by author Ioan Popa about the working conditions for soldiers on the labor camp (the book is in Romanian, but it could use an English translation). The author, a leftist writer and soldier from a workers’ family, was sent to the Uranus labor camp after expressing dissent with the Communist Party’s propagandists. Despite being published after the anti-Communist Revolution of 1989, the book caused quite a stir in the Army, as many of the characters mentioned in the book (under an alias) still worked there. The Army officials tried to discredit him for several years, and even to officially impeach him; then, they changed strategy, stating that the book is pure fiction.
To date, nobody knows the official number of victims on the construction site of the People’s house. Some of them may still be buried in the actual building. In one event described in the book, a team of workers is asked by Ceausescu to demolish a pillar and rebuild it in a different position. As they began to break up the concrete pillar with their hammer drills, they discovered the body of a colleague preserved inside. Many workers died in the barracks during the night because of disease, exhaustion, malnutrition or work accidents which lead to complications.
Many believe Communism was a somewhat natural evolution in the history of Romania: otherwise the political regime in Romania would not have become one of the most powerful, prominent and repressive in Eastern Europe, and its political figures would not have been celebrities of their time. However, this is far from the truth. The early communists in Romania were few, weak, and had little to do with either the socialist or the workers’ ideals. In fact, most of them were not even Romanians, but foreign (mostly Russian) agents infiltrated in the country with the goal to overthrow the government.
Such was the case of Max Goldstein, an early Communist anarchist of Jewish origin, who is responsible for several violent terrorist attacks on Romanian political figures of the 1920s.
(Source: Bucurestiul strict secret)
During the years that followed the Bolshevik Revolution, the Russian Communist Party (Comintern) recommended violent actions against democratic governments, as a way for local communist parties to take control over nations. Such was the case in Romania, where Max Goldstein and his accomplices planned and organized multiple terrorist attacks in support of the Leftist movement. In the early 1920s, workers’ movements were just beginning to gain some momentum in Romania, as industrialization of the country finally picked up the pace. In October 1920, a general strike of the Communist supporters was cracked down by the Police, and several participants were arrested. In response to this government action, Max Goldstein tried to kill the Romanian Minister of Internal Affairs, Constantin Argetoianu, in November 1920, by placing a bomb under his train wagon. Fortunately, the explosion destroyed only half of the wagon, which happened to empty at the moment. The reason for the attack was that the minister was a vocal opposer of the Communist movement at the moment.
At the moment of this first attack that drew a lot of media attention, Max Goldstein was not a complete beginner in terrorist activities. He had already lost one arm during experiments with different explosives, and he is believed to have trained extensively in Odessa (at that time, part of Russia) in subversive attacks. He wore a pirate hook as an arm replacement, as can be seen from one of the few surviving photos of him:
(Source: Bucurestiul strict secret)
Locally, Max Goldstein was also backed by the extremist faction of the Socialist Party, which in 1921 broke away, and formed the Communist Party. His terrorist activities were financed by CEKA, the Russian secret police. The climax of his revolutionary activities was the bomb attack he conducted on the Romanian Senate on December 8, 1920. Together with two other Jewish accomplices, Saul Ozias and Leon Lichtblau, he organized the terrorist bombing of the Senate building, which killed the Romanian Minister of Justice, Dimitrie Greceanu, and two other Romanian senators: Demetriu Radu and Spirea Gheorghiu. The President of the Senate, Constantin Coanda, was also severely wounded in the attack.
(Mugshot of Saul, source: Bucurestiul strict secret)
(Mugshot of Leon, source: Bucurestiul strict secret)
However, it is believed that the real mastermind behind the bomb attack was Abraham Grinstein, the Jewish leader of the terrorist services in Odessa.
(Mugshot of Abraham Grinstein, source: Bucurestiul strict secret)
Nevertheless, Max Goldstein executed the plan by improvising a clock bomb using two German bombs, and placing it under the Senate tribune during the night. The intent of the attack was to ignite a Communist Revolution. At the time when he committed the attack, he has already been sentenced to 10 years in prison for crimes against the state, but managed to escape from prison. He managed to evade the Police on several occasions by carrying false identity papers, despite being regularly monitored by “Siguranta”, the Romanian secret police of that time.
(Blueprints of the bomb, source: Bucurestiul strict secret)
After the Senate bomb attack bomb attack, Max Goldstein managed to flee to another Romanian city, Iasi, where he established an illegal printing house for Communist propaganda, which he financed with money from the Soviet secret police, and he managed to operate under cover until April of next year. He was finally arrested one year later, as he was trying to enter the country under cover, from Bulgaria. At the customs control, he shot a border patrol, after failing to bribe him. While crossing the border, Max was carrying 15 kilograms of explosives. After the shot, he is chased by the police, and finally captured after an exchange of gun fire. He was sentenced to lifelong forced labor after a massive trial against several prominent communists, and finally died of pneumonia in Doftana Prison in 1925. During the trial, he never regretted the bomb attack — on the contrary, he was proud of it, considering a great professional achievement.
The Senate bomb attack is a significant moment in Communist history, as it soon lead to the official banning of Communism in Romania, through the “Marzescu Law” (we will write about this in more detail in a future article).